n relation to any political doctrine there are two questions
to be asked: (1) Are its theoretical tenets true? (2) Is its practical
policy likely to increase human happiness? For my part, I think the theoretical
tenets of Communism are false, and I think its practical maxims are such
as to produce an immeasurable increase of human misery.
      The theoretical doctrines of Communism
are for the most part derived from Marx. My objections to Marx are
of two sorts: one, that he was muddle-headed; and the other, that his
thinking was almost entirely inspired by hatred. The doctrine of surplus
value, which is supposed to demonstrate the exploitation of wage-earners
under capitalism, is arrived at: (a) by surreptitiously accepting
Malthus's doctrine of population, which Marx and all his disciples
explicitly repudiate; (b) by applying Ricardo's theory of value
to wages, but not to the prices of manufactured articles. He is entirely
satisfied with the result, not because it is in accordance with the
facts or because it is logically coherent, but because it is calculated
to rouse fury in wage-earners. Marx's doctrine that all historical
events have been motivated by class conflicts is a rash and untrue
extension to world history of certain features prominent in England
and France a hundred years ago. His belief that there is a cosmic force
called Dialectical Materialism which governs human history independently
of human volitions, is mere mythology. His theoretical errors, however,
would not have mattered so much but for the fact that, like Tertullian
and Carlyle, his chief desire was to see his enemies punished, and
he cared little what happened to his friends in the process.
      Marx's doctrine was bad enough, but the
developments which it underwent under Lenin and Stalin made it much
worse. Marx had taught that there would be a revolutionary transitional
period following the victory of the proletariat in a civil war and
that during this period the proletariat, in accordance with the usual
practice after a civil war, would deprive its vanquished enemies of
political power. This period was to be that of the dictatorship of
the proletariat. It should not be forgotten that in Marx's prophetic
vision the victory of the proletariat was to come after it had grown
to be the vast majority of the population. The dictatorship of the
proletariat therefore as conceived by Marx was not essentially anti-democratic.
In the Russia of 1917, however, the proletariat was a small percentage
of the population, the great majority being peasants. it was decreed
that the Bolshevik party was the class-conscious part of the proletariat,
and that a small committee of its leaders was the class-conscious part
of the Bolshevik party. The dictatorship of the proletariat thus came
to be the dictatorship of a small committee, and ultimately of one
man - Stalin. As the sole class-conscious proletarian, Stalin condemned
millions of peasants to death by starvation and millions of others
to forced labour in concentration camps. He even went so far as to
decree that the laws of heredity are henceforth to be different from
what they used to be, and that the germ-plasm is to obey Soviet decrees
but that that reactionary priest Mendel. I am completely at a loss
to understand how it came about that some people who are both humane
and intelligent could find something to admire in the vast slave camp
produced by Stalin.
      I have always disagreed with Marx. My first
hostile criticism of him was published in 1896. But my objections to
modern Communism go deeper than my objections to Marx. It is the abandonment
of democracy that I find particularly disastrous. A minority resting
its powers upon the activities of secret police is bound to be cruel,
oppressive and obscuarantist. The dangers of the irresponsible power
cane to be generally recognized during the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries, but those who have forgotten all that was painfully learnt
during the days of absolute monarchy, and have gone back to what was
worst in the middle ages under the curious delusion that they were
in the vanguard of progress.
      There are signs that in course of time
the Russian régime will become more liberal. But, although this is
possible, it is very far from certain. In the meantime, all those who
value not only art and science but a sufficiency of bread and freedom
from the fear that a careless word by their children to a schoolteacher
may condemn them to forced labour in a Siberian wilderness, must do
what lies in their power to preserve in their own countries a less
servile and more prosperous manner of life.
      There are those who, oppressed by the evils
of Communism, are led to the conclusion that the only effective way
to combat these evils is by means of a world war. I think this a mistake.
At one time such a policy might have been possible, but now war has
become so terrible and Communism has become so powerful that no one
can tell what would be left after a world war, and whatever might be
left would probably be at least as bad as present -day Communism. This
forecast does not depend upon the inevitable effects of mass destruction
by means of hydrogen and cobalt bombs and perhaps of ingeniously propagated
plagues. The way to combat Communism is not war. What is needed in
addition to such armaments as will deter Communists from attacking
the West, is a diminution of the grounds for discontent in the less
prosperous parts of the non-communist world. In most of the countries
of Asia, there is abject poverty which the West ought to alleviate
as far as it lies in its power to do so. There is also a great bitterness
which was caused by the centuries of European insolent domination in
Asia. This ought to be dealt with by a combination of patient tact
with dramatic announcements renouncing such relics of white domination
as survive in Asia. Communism is a doctrine bred of poverty, hatred
and strife. Its spread can only be arrested by diminishing the area
of poverty and hatred.